Transparency International rated Chad as the most corrupt country in 2005, and the ratings have improved somewhat since then (2010: 171st out of 178 countries examined, 2014: 154th out of 174, 2015: 147th out of 167) In 2018, Chad was ranked 165th out of 180 countries assessed and in the new report for 2019 ranked 162nd.
Corruption, kickbacks and nepotism are the order of the day at all political and social levels and are considered a structural problem.
Foreign policy issues
According to dentistrymyth, the foreign policy of Chad with President Déby at its head and, as Foreign Minister Amine Abba Sidick, increasingly important regionally. The country held the presidency of the G5 Sahel until the end of 2017 and Moussa Faki Mahamat was elected as the new commission chairman by the AU heads of state at the end of January 2017. The political weight and influence of the country has increased significantly through these offices in the region. With Chad’s participation in the Barkhane anti-terrorist operation and the fight against Boko Haram across national borders, the country is in the Sahel region despite the Déby’s repressive policy acted as a guarantee of stability and security.
The focus of conflict in Darfur
Even after eighteen years now, according to the UN, no political solution appears to be in sight to the Darfur conflict in the border region with Sudan. Since 2003 the conflict has spread across the border into Chad and for some time now has also gripped the Central African Republic. Due to the cross-border conflict and the resulting refugee crisis in Chad, inter-municipal disputes between cattle farmers and arable farmers about the overused resources have intensified. Due to the difficult security situation, many aid organizations and their staff severely reduced or withdrawn entirely, which further jeopardizes the supply of refugees. In 2009 alone, more than 50 attacks on aid workers were reported.
A failed coup attempt against Déby in May 2004, which was carried out from within the inner circle of his own ethnic group, the Zaghawa, is also connected with the Darfur crisis. Internal conflicts about the constitutional amendment and thus also about the succession of the president also played a role. Despite increased resistance from within his own ranks, Déby wanted to build his son as his successor, but he died in Paris in July 2007 for reasons that were not clear. In April 2006 a rebel group attacked N’Djaména, which was repulsed by the government and with the help of the French army. All of these factors combined had weakened Deby’s position which was repeatedly called into question by repeated attacks from outside and inside in the following years.
Eufor / MINURCAT: The deployment of international peacekeeping forces and the Eufor peacekeeping force deployed in 2008 turned out to be very difficult. The Eufor bridging mission was handed over to the UN mission MINURCAT in mid-March 2009, which was supposed to contribute to the protection of civilians, especially refugees, and to peacekeeping in Chad and the Central African Republic. At the beginning of 2010 President Déby spoke out against extending the mandate of the MINURCAT mission. The withdrawal, which was carried out at the end of 2010, was seen by many as extremely problematic for the security situation and the development of the country.
The supply of more than one million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Sudan and 90,000 (end of 2018) internally displaced persons in Chad in 38 camps by UN and aid organizations is still severely impaired.
In the Ouaddai / Biltine region (Eastern Chad), 12 refugee camps have been maintained for years. Most of the refugees are women and children. The situation had stabilized somewhat for them with regard to basic services, but the willingness to donate has been decreasing for years and the Darfur conflict joins the many forgotten conflicts, which means that resources and supplies cannot be guaranteed. It exists especially in the sensitive areas of resource use water, wood, arable land and pasture land still need further action in order to reduce conflicts between the local population and refugees.
Internally displaced persons attempting to return to their villages in recent years are at risk of violence, forced recruitment and further displacement, a Human Rights Watch report documents.
From June 2005 until today there are also major refugee movements in the south of Chad due to the unsafe situation in the north of the Central African Republic instead of. In this crisis in the shadow of the Darfur crisis, almost 100,000 people have fled across the border so far, and are now housed in various camps along the border. The country has been experiencing a new large wave of refugees since the beginning of 2013 in the wake of the coup in the Central African Republic and interethnic disputes in Darfur in the border area with south-east Chad, which worsened by 2015. Since the end of 2014, the number of refugees from Nigeria has increased as many are fleeing the violence in Boko Haram to Chad.